Monday, October 31, 2005

The National Observer - Another Example of Aussie Conservatives Doing Uncle Usama's Work

According to the editorial in the Autumn 2005 edition of the National Observer, “Moslem” Australians have not integrated into Australian society. The evidence?

You would think that such a broad-brush claim would provide some evidence from demographic studies. Evidence would be shown that “Moslem” communities live in one area, send their children to different schools and refuse to participate in Australian institutions.

You would think that evidence was shown of how “Moslem” culture is at loggerheads with Australian culture and values. That evidence would be furnished from the sources of “Moslem” culture and theology proving that “Moslems” are not allowed to behave like the rest of Australia.

Finally, you would think that the editor would make up their mind on how the word “Moslem” is to be spelt. In the 6th paragraph, we find the term “Moslem” spelt as “Muslim”.

If you are still holding your breath waiting for evidence on any of these points, please give up now in case you explode. This article is but a typical example of what happens when the attitudes and pet prejudices of some elements of the Lunar-Right are imposed on the rest of the conservative movement.

Immigration Issues

The Editorial praises the mandatory detention policy of the Howard government, and presents it as a largely anti-“Moslem” policy. Really?

My parents first arrived in Australia in 1965. My father was a young PhD student who had won a scholarship to study at the Australian National University. Canberra had a small Indian community, most of whom congregated around the prominent academic and historian known affectionately as “Professor Sahib”.

Associate Professor Rizvi taught Asian history at ANU. He authored numerous books on Indian and Islamic history. Professor Rizvi had a daughter and a number of sons. One of his young sons, Mr Adul Rizvi, entered the public service and rose up the ranks of the Department of Immigration.

Abul Rizvi comes from an Indian Shia-Muslim family. He is currently Deputy Secretary of the Department of Immigration, Multicultural and Indigenous Affairs (DIMIA).

Had the author of the Autumn editorial done his research, he would have discovered that this allegedly anti-“Moslem” policy of mandatory detention is actually being effectively managed and enforced by the son of a now-deceased Muslim academic.

And chances are that, should the desired policy of banning “Moslem” immigration become government policy, the person implementing that policy would be Mr Rizvi.

“Moslem” Schools and Australian Values

The editorial makes the startling claim that “Moslem” schools teach their students to be separate from non-“Moslem” schools. Although I am not an educational administrator and have no experience working in the education sector (apart from the occasional lecture at the School of Politics at Macquarie University), I feel I am qualified to comment on this issue.

During my decade or so as a litigation lawyer based in Sydney, I have acted for at least two “Moslem” schools and one “Moslem” headmaster of a school in industrial relations and other matters. At the same time, I spent my entire High School life at Sydney’s St Andrews Cathedral School.

Like all independent schools, those of the “Moslem” variety are forced to ensure that their curriculum complies with the standards set by the Education Department of the State or Territory they operate within. Indeed, many so-called “Moslem” schools operate in much the same way as Jewish and Christian schools.

If anything, the “Moslem” schools are often criticised by more conservative Muslim parents as teaching too little religion. When I compare the one extra hour a week on Arabic language and Islamic studies to the weekly Chapel service and divinity classes at St Andrews, I would have to say my old school could learn a thing or two from Sule College about going easy on religion.

The Autumn 2005 editorial claims that the establishment of “a network of Islamic schools, where Moslem children will be brought up separately” is further evidence that “Moslem groups” wish to remain separate from the Australian community. Yet when one compares the alleged growth of “Moslem” schools to the burgeoning presence of low-fee “Christian Community” and Anglican schools in outer metropolitan and regional areas, one wonders what all the fuss is about.

The Howard government has always been committed to providing parents with choice about their children’s education. Whether they be Muslim or Jewish or Callithumpian, parents have the right to affordable independent education of their choice. Whilst the Autumn editorial decries the “left-liberal” groups, it shares its abhorrence for parental choice with the most extreme left-fringes of the movement against funding independent schools.

Of course, the reality is that the overwhelming majority of “Moslem” parents do not send their children to “Moslem” schools. The vast majority make use of the State School system, with a fair number also sending their children to Anglican and Catholic schools.

And in what way are graduates of Muslim schools not prepared to integrate? One of my colleagues, Randa Abdel Fattah, is a Sydney lawyer and writer. She works as a commercial litigator in one of Sydney’s largest legal practices, and has just signed a book deal for her novel in the UK. Randa graduates from King Khaled Islamic College in Melbourne.

One would have thought the debate over the alleged refusal of “Moslem” schools to abide by Australian values would have died the same death as the donkey of that famous illegal immigrant Simpson.

“Moslems” and Integration

It is in this area that the Autmn editorial really makes some wild and unusual claims. In doing so, it is clear that the Editor has failed to do any proper research.

In 2004, Professor Abdullah Saeed of the University of Melbourne conducted research into the trends of the Muslim community. The result was a resource manual widely used by Australian governments in understanding the various ethnic and linguistic groups that make up the Muslim communities.

The manual, entitled “Muslim Australians – Their Beliefs, Practices and Institutions”, provides a snapshot of Muslim Australia from the 2001 Census. The following facts were mentioned:

1. The largest ethnic community among Muslims in terms of place of birth are Muslims born in Australia.

2. The ratio of Muslims born in Australia to those born in Lebanon is more than 3:1.

3. Between 1996 and 2000, only 9% of migrants to Australia were of Muslim background.

4. Some 79% of Muslim migrants have taken up Australian citizenship, a much higher proportion than any other migrant faith-community.

If one were to look at various sectors of mainstream Australia, one would find Muslims having a strong presence. The Dean of at least one Sydney Law School is of Muslim background, and Muslims are heavily represented in large commercial law firms at all levels (including as partners).

Some of the most powerful and prominent names in business are of Muslim background. “Crazy” John Ilhan sponsors two football codes and numerous clubs in Sydney and Melbourne. Ahmed Fahour is one of the most powerful figures in the banking sector.

Commentator and Islamic Council of Victoria spekesman, Waleed Aly, writes regularly in mainstream papers on Muslim community and national security issues. Yet his favourite subject of writing is AFL Football.

Muslims have been at the heart of mainstream Australia for over 150 years. The former Mayor of Woomera, a regular critic of the presence of illegal Afghan immigrants in her town, was herself of Afghan descent.

Muslims are also active in politics. I myself ran as a Liberal candidate in the November 2001 elections and scored a 5.1% swing on a two-party preferred basis in a safe ALP seat in Western Sydney. My name and suggested ethno-religious background had little bearing on voters.

The ethnic community that has built the largest number of mosques is the Turkish community. Turks have lived in Australia since the 1950’s. The largest Turkish mosque in Sydney is named the “Gallipoli Mosque”.

“Moslems” and National Security

If it is true that the biggest terrorist threat arises from Islamist extremists, it is also true that Australian Muslims represent perhaps our biggest weapon on fighting terror and its ideological basis.

The Prime Minister recognises the importance of engaging Muslim communities in national security issues. Whilst I disagree with his choice of leaders (most of whom represent first generation migrant issues and have ties to fringe sectarian elements in the Middle East), in principle the setting up of a Muslim Community reference Group is not a bad idea.

Marginalising Muslim Australians is not officially part of the government’s national security agenda. The Government realises that attempts to marginalise Muslims will effectively hand victory to the likes of Usama bin Laden.

The propaganda of groups like al-Qaeda is that Western governments are against all Muslims. Bin Laden and other extremists want Muslims living in countries like Australia to feel marginalised. But when Islamophobes masquerading as conservatives seek to marginalise Muslims, it frees up the time and resources of extremists and enables them to plan further attacks.

The claims made about Muslims in 2005 are similar to those made about Jews in Germany and other parts of Europe during the years leading upto the Second World War. Except that the Protocols of the Learned Elders of Zion are being replaced by the Protocols of the Learned Mullahs of Tehran or Kabul or Lakemba.

Conclusion

The Autumn editorial of the National Observer is short on facts but very tall on sweeping generalisations. It is but another example of why so many conservatives are frustrated with the lack of intellectual rigour being displayed on the Right.

Conservative values include respect for the family, free enterprise and maintaining solid working institutions. There is little in Muslim culture which contradicts any of these values. Citing isolated examples here and there will not change this fact.

Finally, I enjoy eating wedges as a main meal or snack. But when wedges become the basis of our public policy and national security, they tend to lack any good taste.